UPSC Prelims 2013 Polity questions: topic-wise weightage

The Preamble and the Directive Principles is correct (b). The Preamble promises 'Justice, social, economic and political' to all citizens. The Directive Principles turn economic justice into policy goals, especially Article 38 (a social order with justice and reduced inequality) and Article 39 (adequate livelihood, fair distribution of resources, equal pay for equal work). (a) and (c) are wrong: Fundamental Rights mainly secure political and civil justice, such as equality before law and freedom of speech, not economic justice as such.

Notice the source: the ideal of social, economic and political justice was taken from the Russian Revolution (1917). The 42nd Amendment added 'socialist' to the Preamble. In Kesavananda Bharati (1973) the Preamble was held part of the Constitution. Trap: rights and directives are often grouped, but economic justice lives in the DPSP.

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Directive Principles of State Policy is correct (c). Article 37 says the Directive Principles are not enforceable by any court, but they are 'nevertheless fundamental in the governance of the country', and the State must apply them in making laws. (a) is wrong: Fundamental Rights are enforceable but are not described in these words. (b) and (d) are wrong: Fundamental Duties (Article 51A) apply to citizens and are not called fundamental for governance.

Notice the balance: in Minerva Mills (1980), the Supreme Court held that harmony between Fundamental Rights and DPSPs is part of the basic structure. DPSPs were borrowed from the Irish Constitution, and B.R. Ambedkar called them 'novel features'. Trap: the word 'fundamental' appears in all options, but the phrase belongs to Article 37.

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Option (c) is correct. The Governor holds office during the pleasure of the President (Article 156), and the Constitution lays down no removal procedure or grounds. (a) is wrong: the 7th Amendment (1956) allows one person to be Governor of two or more States. (b) is wrong: High Court judges are appointed by the President, after consulting the CJI and the Governor (Article 217). (d) is wrong: in a UT with a legislature, such as Delhi or Puducherry, the Chief Minister is appointed by the President, not the Lt Governor.

Notice the safeguard: in B.P. Singhal (2010), the Supreme Court held that the President's pleasure is not unfettered; a Governor cannot be removed arbitrarily, and removal is open to limited judicial review. Trap: 'pleasure' tenure means no fixed procedure.

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Statements 1 and 2 are correct (a). In a parliamentary system, ministers are drawn from the legislature (1); a non-member must become an MP within six months. They hold office only while they keep the confidence of the Lok Sabha, the principle of collective responsibility (2). Statement 3 is wrong: the Cabinet is headed by the Prime Minister, the head of government; the President is the head of state and stands outside the Cabinet. So (b), (c) and (d) fail.

Notice the contrast: in the presidential system of the USA, ministers (secretaries) are not legislators, and the President heads both state and government. India took the parliamentary model from Britain, with a nominal head (President) and a real executive (PM and Council). Trap: the President is not part of the Cabinet.

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Statements 2 and 3 are correct per UPSC's key (b). Union ministers hold office during the pleasure of the President (Article 75(2)) (2). The Prime Minister must communicate to the President all decisions of the Council of Ministers and proposals for legislation (Article 78) (3). Statement 1 is treated as wrong because Article 75(3) makes the Council of Ministers collectively responsible to the House of the People (Lok Sabha), not to Parliament as a whole; the Rajya Sabha cannot remove the government. So (a), (c) and (d) fail.

Notice the practice: the President's 'pleasure' is exercised on the PM's advice, so a minister can be dropped only through the PM. A no-confidence motion can be moved only in the Lok Sabha. Trap: 'Parliament' sounds right, but the precise answer is the Lok Sabha.

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Option (a) is correct. The Rajya Sabha cannot amend or reject a Money Bill; it can only make recommendations within 14 days. The Lok Sabha is free to accept or reject them, and either way the Bill is deemed passed by both Houses (Article 109). So even a 'substantial amendment' is only a recommendation. (b) is wrong: the Lok Sabha can certainly proceed. (c) is wrong: there is no return to the Rajya Sabha for reconsideration. (d) is wrong: there is no joint sitting on a Money Bill (Article 108 excludes it).

Notice the related rules: the Speaker certifies a Money Bill (Article 110), and her decision is final, though the Supreme Court has examined such certification in the Aadhaar (2018) and Rojer Mathew (2019) cases; a larger bench is reviewing it. Trap: 'substantially amended' tempts you to think the Rajya Sabha has real power.

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Statements 2 and 3 are correct (b). The Public Accounts Committee scrutinises the government's appropriation accounts and finance accounts (2) and examines the CAG's audit reports (3), checking that money was spent as Parliament intended. Statement 1 is wrong: the PAC has 22 members: 15 from the Lok Sabha and 7 from the Rajya Sabha, elected each year by proportional representation. So (a), (c) and (d) fail.

Notice the conventions: since 1967 the PAC chair has been from the Opposition, appointed by the Speaker, and ministers cannot be members. It was first set up in 1921 under the 1919 Act. The Estimates Committee (30 members, all Lok Sabha) and the Committee on Public Undertakings (22) are the other financial committees. Trap: '25 Lok Sabha members' mixes up the numbers.

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Statement 2 only is correct (b). Statement 1 is wrong: the Chairman of the Rajya Sabha is the Vice-President, who is not a member of the House, but the Deputy Chairman is elected from among its members. Statement 2 is correct: nominated members of both Houses cannot vote in the presidential election (Article 54 counts only elected members), but they do vote in the Vice-Presidential election (Article 66), whose electoral college is all members of both Houses. So (a), (c) and (d) fail.

Notice the latest: C.P. Radhakrishnan became Vice-President in September 2025 after Jagdeep Dhankhar resigned in July 2025. State legislators vote for the President but not the Vice-President. Trap: one officer of the Rajya Sabha is a member and the other is not.

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Both statements are correct (c). NALSA was set up under the Legal Services Authorities Act, 1987, which came into force in 1995. Its objective is to provide free and competent legal services to weaker sections so that no citizen is denied justice for economic or other disabilities, in line with Article 39A (1). It lays down policies and guidelines for State Legal Services Authorities, which carry out the programmes through district and taluk bodies (2). So (a), (b) and (d) fail.

Notice the structure: the Chief Justice of India is the Patron-in-Chief, and the senior-most judge after the CJI is the Executive Chairman. NALSA runs Lok Adalats, whose awards are final and cannot be appealed. Free legal aid covers women, children, SC/ST, disabled persons and people below income limits. Trap: both are routine functions, so look for no catch.

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Without the consent of any State is correct (d). Article 253 lets Parliament make any law for the whole or any part of India to implement treaties, agreements or conventions, or decisions of international conferences, even on State List subjects, and without the consent of any State. (a), (b) and (c) are wrong because no State consent is needed.

Notice the examples: the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986 and the Air Act, 1981 implemented the 1972 Stockholm conference decisions; the Biological Diversity Act, 2002 implemented the CBD. The Ninth Schedule and Article 246 work alongside this. In Maganbhai Patel (1969), the Supreme Court held that ceding territory needs a constitutional amendment, not just Article 253. Trap: federal subjects seem to need State consent, but treaty law overrides that.

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Creating autonomous regions is not a PESA objective (c). PESA (1996) extends Part IX on panchayats to Fifth Schedule areas, with changes that give tribal communities self-governance through the Gram Sabha (a), respect their customary and traditional rights over resources (b), and protect them from exploitation such as land alienation and money-lending (d). Option (c) is wrong: autonomous district councils belong to the Sixth Schedule areas of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram, not PESA.

Notice the coverage: PESA applies to Fifth Schedule areas in ten states, including Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Odisha; Jharkhand notified its PESA rules only in January 2026. The Bhuria Committee (1995) recommended the law. Trap: Fifth and Sixth Schedules are easily mixed up.

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Neither statement is correct (d). Statement 1 is wrong: under Article 368, a constitutional amendment bill can be introduced in either House of Parliament, not only the Lok Sabha, and it needs no prior presidential permission. Statement 2 is wrong: amendments affecting federal provisions, such as the distribution of powers, representation of States in Parliament, or the Supreme Court and High Courts, need ratification by half of the State legislatures, not all of them. So (a), (b) and (c) fail.

Notice the related rules: each House must pass the bill separately by a special majority; there is no joint sitting, and the President must give assent (24th Amendment, 1971). The GST amendment (101st, 2016) was ratified by states under this rule. Trap: 'all States' overstates the requirement.

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Statements 1, 2 and 3 are correct (c). Under Article 88, the Attorney General has the right to speak in (3) and take part in the proceedings of either House (1), any joint sitting, and any committee of which he may be named a member (2). Item 4 is wrong: he is not a Member of Parliament, so he cannot vote. So (a), (b) and (d) fail.

Notice the office: appointed under Article 76, the Attorney General is India's highest law officer, must be qualified to be a Supreme Court judge, and holds office during the President's pleasure. He is not a member of the Cabinet. R. Venkataramani has held the post since October 2022. He enjoys the privileges of an MP (Article 105(4)). Trap: speaking without voting is the key distinction.

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All three are correct (d), as none is in the Constitution. The Planning Commission (1950) and the National Development Council (1952) were set up by executive resolutions of the Union government (1, 2). The Zonal Councils were created by the States Reorganisation Act, 1956, a statute (3). So (a), (b) and (c) fail.

Notice what followed: the Planning Commission was replaced by NITI Aayog on 1 January 2015, also by executive resolution, and the NDC has become defunct. Bodies that are constitutional include the Finance Commission (Article 280), the Inter-State Council (Article 263) and the GST Council (279A). The North-Eastern Council is statutory (1971). Trap: important bodies are not always constitutional.

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Statements 2 and 3 are correct (b). Economic and social planning is Entry 20 of the Concurrent List (2). Article 243G lets State legislatures entrust panchayats with preparing plans for economic development and social justice and implementing schemes, including those in the Eleventh Schedule (3). Statement 1 is wrong: the National Development Council (1952) was a separate body of the PM, Union ministers and all Chief Ministers, created by executive resolution; it was not an organ of the Planning Commission, though the Commission served as its secretariat. So (a), (c) and (d) fail.

Notice the change: NITI Aayog (2015) replaced the Planning Commission, and its Governing Council of CMs has effectively replaced the NDC. Panchayats now prepare Gram Panchayat Development Plans. Trap: 'organ' overstates a working link.

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Items 1, 3 and 4 are correct (b). The National Development Council (1952) was chaired by the Prime Minister (1) and included all Union Cabinet ministers (3), the Chief Ministers of all States (4), administrators of Union Territories, and members of the Planning Commission. Item 2 is wrong: the Finance Commission chairman was not a member. So (a), (c) and (d) fail.

Notice its fate: the NDC approved the Five-Year Plans, but after NITI Aayog replaced the Planning Commission in 2015, it has not met; NITI's Governing Council, with the PM, all Chief Ministers and UT Lt Governors, now does a similar job. The last NDC meeting was in 2012, approving the 12th Plan. Trap: the Finance Commission is a constitutional body but was outside the NDC.

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